For over four decades, the National Council of Resistance of Iran has stood as the sole organized alternative, courageously challenging the oppressive misogynist regime led by the Mullahs. Their unwavering commitment is rooted in a profound mission: to dismantle the existing order, overthrow the Mullahs, and establish a new Constituent Assembly within a tight six-month timeframe.
The National Council of Resistance of Iran has meticulously crafted and publicly unveiled its comprehensive framework, addressing critical social and political domains that afflict the Iranian populace. Among these vital initiatives lies the Plan for Women’s Rights and Freedoms, unanimously endorsed by the NCRI in 1987.
In a series of articles, we delve into the specifics of this plan, shedding light on the current plight of Iranian women. Each article underscores the urgency and necessity of why each article was approved, paving the way toward a liberated Iran.
Foundational Pillars of Women’s Rights and Freedoms
The National Council of Resistance of Iran envisions a liberated Iran where women’s rights are paramount. To realize this future, a strategic plan has been meticulously developed, anchored in three fundamental principles:
First: Abolishing and eliminating all forms of oppression, coercion, and discrimination imposed on Iranian women by the mullahs’ reactionary regime and their Sharia law. Adhering to all freedoms and rights of women as stipulated in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, and the Declaration on the Elimination of Violence Against Women, which were approved by the United Nations General Assembly in December 1993.
Second: Emphasizing complete equality of social, political, cultural, and economic rights between men and women.
Third: Ensuring the complete provision of women’s rights in the country, without regard to any unequal and discriminatory practices or limitations and rejecting any perception that views women as commodities.
The regime of the Mullahs has long stood in stark opposition to the international community and the aspirations of the Iranian people, establishing a governance rooted in oppression and misogyny. The introduction of the regime’s constitution lays a controversial foundation for women, stating: “Not only does woman recover thereby her momentous and precious function of motherhood, rearing of ideologically committed human beings, she also assumes a pioneering social role and becomes the fellow struggler of man in all vital areas of life.”
This language suggests that from inception, women have been relegated to a role defined solely by motherhood, tasked with nurturing future generations to adhere to the regime’s ideology. In this narrative, women are depicted not as autonomous individuals with a full spectrum of social, civil, and political rights, but rather as secondary to men, serving life rather than leading it.
Furthermore, the legal framework under this regime has failed to criminalize violence against women, instead weaving a complex web of legal subterfuges designed to ensnare those who dare to challenge the status quo of women’s health and rights.
In Iran, the ongoing debate surrounding the banning of violence against women has been a topic of discussion for approximately 14 years, spurred by the advocacy of women’s rights activists.
Despite this, each time a tragic incident of violence against women captures public attention and sparks protests, the mullahs’ regime resorts to propaganda tactics in an attempt to push through legislation addressing the issue. However, this proposed bill, now known as the “Women’s Security Improvement Act” after multiple name changes, has consistently failed to be implemented or approved by the current government, as it is deemed ineffective as a deterrent. Most recently, the bill was brought before Parliament in April 2024 but did not pass and was subsequently referred back to the Social Committee for further deliberation. (Source: ISNA state-run news agency – April 8, 2024)
Electing and Being Elected
The foundational principle of the National Resistance Council’s plan for women’s rights and freedoms hinges on the essential right to elect and be elected in all forms of democratic processes. The council asserts that meaningful societal change and the enduring recognition of women’s rights cannot be achieved until women are represented equitably in the highest echelons of decision-making. This conviction is not merely theoretical but has been demonstrated through the council’s long-standing practice of female leadership in the most challenging and pivotal moments of Iran’s modern struggles.
The council’s commitment to gender parity is exemplified by the election of Mrs. Maryam Rajavi as its president and the fact that women constitute half of its membership. Furthermore, the People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK), a central entity within the council, boasts a Central Council entirely composed of women, a deliberate strategy to counteract one of the world’s most oppressive regimes towards women.
Contrastingly, the regime’s constitution actively bars women from decision-making roles. The constitution explicitly restricts the presidency to “religious and political male figures,” and judicial appointments are bound by “jurisprudential qualifications” that preclude women. The judicial system permits women only advisory roles and the oversight of minors, leading to a stark absence of female ministers, governors, and mayors in Iran’s major cities, with a solitary exception in Tehran’s municipal body. In the most recent parliamentary elections, a total of 14 women succeeded in securing seats within the legislative body, which constitutes approximately 4.1% of the total membership.
Right to Employment
The National Council of Resistance’s second article on Women’s Rights and Freedoms champions the right to employment, allowing women to freely choose their profession and to hold any public or governmental position, including the presidency and judicial roles. However, this vision is starkly contrasted by the current legal framework under the mullahs’ regime, which entrusts men with legal authority over women’s destinies. The Civil Code’s Article 1105 designates the husband as the “head of the family,” and Article 1117 explicitly permits a husband to forbid his wife from engaging in work that he deems contrary to family interests or dignity.
Beyond these legal barriers, the regime’s corrupt governance has exacerbated challenges for women, ranging from employment discrimination and significant pay gaps to perilous working conditions, often in male-dominated fields. The World Bank’s “Women, Business and Law” report for the year 2022, assessing women’s business environments across 190 countries, placed Iran at a low score of 31.3 out of 100, ranking only above Qatar, Sudan, Yemen, and the Gaza Strip.
Furthermore, the Statistics Center’s spring 2023 report reveals a stark disparity in economic participation: only 14.1% for women over the age of 15, compared to 68.3% for men. This data underscores the systemic inequality faced by women in the workforce.
